The Communist Manifesto Summary
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Here you will find a The Communist Manifesto summary (Karl Marx's book).
We begin with a summary of the entire book, and then you can read each individual chapter's summary by visiting the links on the "Chapters" section.
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Last Updated: Monday 1 Jan, 2024
Chapters The Communist Manifesto Summary Overview
The text explores an ideology that posits that societal changes and historical progress are driven by class conflicts, which emerge due to economic exploitation of one class by another. These societal relationships are profoundly shaped by the prevalent modes of production. However, with time, these relationships become incompatible with the evolving dynamics of production. This discrepancy propels a societal revolution, leading to the emergence of a new ruling class, highlighting a 'march of history' steered by broader economic forces. Specifically, this ideology focuses on the contemporary industrial society marked by class conflict between the capital-owning bourgeoisie and the working proletariat. The capitalist system, however, is rapidly becoming incompatible with this exploitative relationship. Consequently, the proletariat is poised to spearhead a revolution. This forthcoming revolution is distinct from its antecedents, as past revolutions merely redistributed property in favor of the emergent ruling class. Nonetheless, the proletariat, by its very nature, possesses no means to claim property. Therefore, when they ascend to power, they will need to abolish private property ownership, leading to the disappearance of class distinctions. Advocates of this ideology argue that this evolution is inevitable due to the inherent instability of capitalism. They aim to support this revolution and endorse groups and alliances that are propelling history towards this inevitable conclusion. They maintain that eradicating social classes is not feasible through policy reforms or governmental changes. Instead, a revolution is imperative. The ideology is discussed in four parts: the first part outlines the theory of history and the relationship between proletariat and bourgeoisie. The second part delves into the connection between the adherents of this ideology and the proletariat. The third part critiques previous socialist literature, and the final part examines the partnership between the ideology's proponents and other political factions.
section 1 part 1
"The Communist Manifesto" opens with the statement, "A spectre is haunting Europe—the spectre of Communism." Europe's powers are allied against Communism, often vilifying its doctrines. As a result, Communists have gathered in London to write this Manifesto, making their beliefs, objectives, and tendencies transparent, and to rectify wrong impressions. The Manifesto deals with class conflict. Marx states, "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles." History reveals a constant struggle between oppressors and the oppressed, sometimes covert, sometimes overt. The outcome is either a revolutionary transformation of society or mutual destruction. Past societies had complex class hierarchies, such as feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices, and serfs in the Medieval period. Modern bourgeois society, born from the ashes of feudal society, also has class conflicts. However, it simplifies these conflicts as two opposing camps—Bourgeoisie and Proletariat. The Manifesto demonstrates the emergence of the bourgeoisie from various revolutions in production and exchange. This class originated in early towns and gained momentum with the Age of Exploration. Feudal guilds couldn't cater to expanding markets, so the manufacturing middle class emerged. As markets and demand grew, manufacturing couldn't keep pace, leading to the Industrial Revolution. This brought about "Modern Industry," replacing manufacture and the industrial middle class with "industrial millionaires," or modern bourgeois. The bourgeoisie thus became powerful, pushing medieval classes aside. As the bourgeoisie grew, so did their political clout. The bourgeoisie has been revolutionary in history. Once in power, it ended "feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations." It removed the ties between people and their superiors, reducing all human relations to self-interest. Chivalry, religious zeal, and sentimentality were sacrificed. Personal worth became tied to exchange value, and free trade became the sole freedom. Exploitation, once masked by religious and political "illusions," became direct and harsh. All professions, even revered ones like medicine, were turned into wage-laboring jobs. Family relations were stripped of sentimentality and reduced to monetary relations. Unlike past industrial classes that needed to preserve old production modes, the bourgeoisie needs to revolutionize production instruments to exist. This shakes up production relations and societal relations. Modern age uncertainties force Man to confront his real life condition and true relations with others. The bourgeoisie needs an always-expanding market, leading it to settle globally and establish worldwide connections. Production and consumption have become cosmopolitan. This applies to both materials and intellectual production, as national isolation becomes unsustainable. The bourgeoisie brings even the most primitive nations into civilization, forcing all to adopt its production mode and "creates a world after its own image". All are reliant on the bourgeoisie, which has also increased political centralization. The bourgeoisie's base, the means of production and exchange, started in feudal society. At a certain point, these weren't compatible with advancing productive forces. Therefore, the "fetters" of feudalism were "burst asunder", replaced by free competition, and the bourgeoisie ascended. Marx points out a similar process is happening now. Modern bourgeois society is self-destructing. Modern productive forces are rebelling against modern production conditions. Business crises, ironically due to overproduction, endanger bourgeois society. These crises expose the tension of productive forces being stifled by bourgeois society. In trying to solve these crises, the bourgeoisie only creates larger crises and lose their ability to prevent future ones. Therefore, the tools the bourgeoisie used to overcome feudalism are now being used against them.
section 1 part 2
The Communist Manifesto scrutinizes the proletariat, a class that evolved alongside the bourgeoisie. The proletariat, dependent on work for survival, will eventually dismantle the bourgeoisie. Their existence relies on their ability to contribute to capital, making them susceptible to the whims of the market. The onset of machinery and labor division has made their work monotonous and demeaning. Even as their tasks become more repugnant, their pay decreases. Marx portrays the worker as both a soldier and a slave, with age and sex losing significance as everyone becomes a labor instrument. The worker's exploitation doesn't end with the paycheck from his boss; it extends to other bourgeoisie, like his landlord. The less privileged middle class, including small traders, are progressively absorbed into the proletariat due to insufficient capital and the obsolescence of their specific skills caused by technology. The Manifesto then narrates the proletariat's history, highlighting their ongoing struggle with the bourgeoisie since their creation. Initial resistance was individual, later evolving into collective rebellion, with workers yearning for their medieval status. They were, however, disorganized and fragmented, influenced by the bourgeois even in their unions. Industrial development led to the expansion and consolidation of the proletariat. Differences among workers faded as they all faced low wages and unstable livelihoods. Workers started forming trade unions and associations, facilitated by the improved communication brought by industry. This process is ongoing, according to the Manifesto. The bourgeoisie inadvertently arm the proletariat in their quest for political gain. Marx asserts that the only truly revolutionary class is the proletariat, as all others are focused on self-preservation. For the proletariat, structures like "Law, morality, religion" have become bourgeois traps. The proletariat are distinct in history. Unlike previous classes that aimed to dominate society according to their appropriation mode, the proletariat, as property-less, aim to abolish private property. They are unique in being a majority seeking to serve the majority's interest. The proletariat's battle is primarily a national one. Having traced their journey from covert civil war to an open revolt against the bourgeoisie, Marx suggests that every society is founded on class subjugation. But the proletariat face worsening conditions, becoming increasingly impoverished. This renders the bourgeoisie unfit to rule, as they fail to ensure a sustainable existence for the proletariat. Hence, the bourgeoisie inadvertently create their own downfall, making the proletariat's triumph inevitable.
section 2
The Communist Manifesto then moves on to explain the connection between the Communists and the proletarians. The Communists' immediate goal is to transform the proletariat into a class, dethrone the bourgeois rule, and enable the proletariat to achieve political dominance. The Communist theory outlines an ongoing historical movement that involves ending private property rights. Marx acknowledges that Communists are criticized for wanting to eliminate the right to possess private property through work. However, Marx argues that workers do not gain any property from their work. Instead, it is used to exploit them. This property, held by the bourgeoisie, is a societal power rather than a personal one. The Communists' proposal to turn it into common property doesn't do away with property rights but changes its societal role, removing its class basis. In a Communist society, labor is for the workers' sake, not for generating bourgeois-controlled property. This Communist target confronts bourgeois freedom, leading to their criticism of Communist ideology. Marx responds, "You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property. But in your existing society, private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population." The Manifesto then answers objections to Communism. Critics argue that abolishing private property would breed laziness. Marx refutes this by observing that in the existing system, those who work don't acquire property, and those who do, don't work. Some argue that Communism would destroy intellectual products, but Marx dismisses this as a bourgeois misunderstanding. Marx also addresses criticisms about the Communists' aim to dismantle family structures. He asserts that modern families are founded on capital and personal gain. Therefore, Communists do want to change present family dynamics to prevent the exploitation of children by their parents. They're not aiming to eliminate children's education, but to free it from the ruling class's control. Marx criticizes the bourgeois' deceptive rhetoric about family and education. Furthermore, Marx dismisses the criticism of Communists' intention to eradicate country and nationality. He argues that the working class has no country, hence nothing can be taken from them. As industrialization standardizes living conditions, national differences and conflicts are less relevant. Marx believes that accusations against Communism concerning religion, philosophy, or ideology barely warrant serious consideration. People's consciousness changes along with their material circumstances. Thus, Marx retorts that any apparent universality of ideas such as Justice is merely an illusion reflecting a history of exploitation and class conflict. The Communist revolution signifies a dramatic shift in traditional property relations and a corresponding shift in traditional ideas. The Manifesto asserts that the first action in the proletarian revolution is to make the proletariat the ruling class. The proletariat will then use their political power to confiscate bourgeois capital and centralize all production instruments under State control. This might initially require harsh measures on property rights and bourgeois production conditions. Likely revolutionary measures include: abolishing land ownership; imposing a progressive income tax; terminating inheritance rights; confiscating property of emigrants and rebels; making everyone work; centralizing credit, communication, and transportation under the State; integrating agriculture and manufacturing; eliminating town-country distinctions, and providing free education for children. Once class distinctions vanish, public power will no longer have political character. Political power is essentially the mechanism by which one class oppresses another. When the proletariat abolishes the old production conditions, they will make class antagonism unfeasible, thereby ending their own class dominance. They will replace bourgeois society with an association where everyone's free development is dependent on everyone else's.
section 3
Marx examines three types of Socialist and Communist literature in this section of The Communist Manifesto. The first group, Reactionary Socialists, contains Feudal Socialists, Petty-Bourgeois Socialists, and German or "True" Socialists. These factions resist the bourgeoisie and industrialization, oblivious to the historical progression they signify. Feudal Socialists, mainly aristocrats, critiqued the bourgeoisie's tendency to incite a proletariat revolution. The Petty-Bourgeois Socialists, foreseeing their absorption into the proletariat class, suggested either reverting to old production methods or trying to fit new methods into old property frameworks, an approach Marx deems "reactionary and Utopian." The German or "True" Socialists misapplied French ideas, ignoring Germany's distinct social conditions, and backed the aristocracy against the bourgeoisie. Marx characterizes most contemporary German Communist and Socialist literature as embodying this perspective. The second group, Conservative or Bourgeois Socialism, comprises individuals wanting to alleviate social issues while maintaining the bourgeois society. These followers, including "economists, philanthropists, humanitarians, improvers of the condition of the working class, organisers of charity, members of societies for the prevention of cruelty to animals, temperance fanatics, [and] hole-and-corner reformers of every kind," desire the benefits of industrial society minus the inherent struggles. They desire a society sans proletariat, thereby preserving their power. A variant of this group acknowledges economic changes as crucial for proletarian upliftment, but without disrupting production relations. They advocate administrative reforms to reduce workload and costs for the bourgeois administration. The third category, Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism, emerged during the proletariat's initial attempts at self-emancipation. Early proponents sought new social laws for proletariat liberation, leading to comprehensive societal criticism. However, their wishful thinking lacked practical implementation strategies, rendering them less relevant as class struggles evolved. While the founders were revolutionary, their followers merely resist the proletariat's political activities.
section 4
The final part of The Communist Manifesto centers on the Communists' interaction with other parties. Their primary fight is for the workers' immediate needs while keeping the broad Communist agenda in mind. They ally themselves with any political group that helps advance Communism, even if it means collaborating with the bourgeoisie. Simultaneously, they continuously strive to instill the working class with the awareness of the conflict between the bourgeoisie and proletariat, aiding them to gather the means to ultimately topple the bourgeoisie. The Communists consistently back every revolution against the current societal and political status quo. They make it clear that their goals can only be achieved through the forceful upheaval of all present social conditions. The Manifesto concludes with a resounding call to action: "Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!"
