The Social Contract Summary
Description
Here you will find a The Social Contract summary (Jean-Jacques Rousseau's book).
We begin with a summary of the entire book, and then you can read each individual chapter's summary by visiting the links on the "Chapters" section.
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Last Updated: Monday 1 Jan, 2024
Chapters The Social Contract Summary Overview
The widely recognized phrase, "human beings are born free, yet everywhere they are bound by shackles," insinuates that contemporary nations suppress the innate liberty we are born with and fail to ensure the civic freedom that is the very reason we engage in societal contracts. The only valid source of political authority, it is suggested, originates from a societal agreement consented to by all members to ensure their collective protection. The aggregate of all citizens is recognized as the "sovereign," and is likened in many respects to an individual. While each person has a unique will directed towards their own welfare, the sovereign embodies the collective will aimed at the communal good. The sovereign only wields authority over issues pertaining to public interest, but in this sphere its authority is sovereign: the death penalty is recommended for those who breach the societal agreement. The collective will is most transparent in the state's impersonal and generic laws, created at the state's inception by an unbiased, non-citizen legislator. The laws must uphold freedom and equality, beyond this they may be altered according to local conditions. While the sovereign implements legislative power through laws, a government is needed to exercise executive power and conduct daily affairs. Governments can take many forms, roughly divided into democracy, aristocracy, and monarchy, dependent on their size. Monarchy is considered the most powerful form of government, ideal for large populations and hotter climates. Despite different states being suited to different government forms, aristocracies are viewed as the most stable. The government and the sovereign are separate entities and are usually in conflict. This tension will eventually lead to the dissolution of the state, but robust states can endure for centuries. Citizens exercise their sovereignty by participating in regular, scheduled gatherings. Convincing all citizens to attend these meetings can be challenging, but attendance is crucial for the state's well-being. Electing representatives or trying to avoid public service endangers the state as the collective will is not heard. When voting, citizens should cast their ballot not based on personal interest, but what they believe is the collective will. In a robust state, the voting results should be nearly unanimous. To argue that even large states can gather all their citizens, the Roman republic and its comitia are presented as examples. A tribunate is proposed to mediate between the government and sovereign, and between the government and the people. Short-term dictatorships might be necessary during emergencies. The censor's office's role is to express public opinion. While everyone should be permitted to practice their personal beliefs privately, it is suggested that the state should also mandate all citizens to practice a public religion that promotes good citizenship.
book 1
Rousseau's "The Social Contract" starts with the notable quote, "Man was born free, and he is everywhere in chains." The "chains" symbolize the restrictions imposed on citizens' freedom by modern states. Rousseau seeks to establish whether a state can genuinely uphold liberty as opposed to limiting it. Rousseau disagrees with the notion that genuine political authority is inherent in nature. He argues that the only genuine form of authority is parental, which exists solely for the child's survival. The concept that rulers naturally possess superiority over their subjects is challenged by Rousseau, as he believes such superiority is maintained by force, not nature. Furthermore, Rousseau rejects the idea that political authority is based on power. He argues that if power is the only determinant of right, then obedience becomes a matter of compulsion rather than obligation. In such cases, political authority becomes irrelevant, and people act within the limits of their capacity. Rousseau proposes that genuine political authority arises from a social contract formed among society members. However, he criticizes the proposition that a fair exchange for surrendering one's freedom is possible. He believes that by relinquishing freedom, individuals also relinquish their rights and lose their moral and human essence. Additionally, he opposes the proposition that prisoners of war can be slaves through even exchange. He argues that wars are about states and property, not individuals. When an enemy surrenders, he is no longer an enemy but a person. Rousseau believes that in a state of nature, there comes a point when people must unite to survive, but they must do so without losing their freedom. The social contract stipulates that each person must surrender unconditionally to the community. This results in a community or a "body politic" that is an independent entity with its own life and will. Rousseau emphasizes that individuals need the motivation of law to remain loyal to the sovereign. In civil society, while physical freedom is lost, it is replaced by moral and civil freedom which is guided by reason and the general will. Rousseau concludes by discussing property, stating that legitimate ownership of land requires that the owner uses only what he needs and that no one else claims the land. In surrendering all property to the sovereign through the social contract, he argues, the individual doesn't give up his property as he is also under the jurisdiction of the sovereign.
book 2
Rousseau argues that society operates best when individuals share common interests, with the goal of any state being the common good. The common good can only be attained by following the general will as relayed by the sovereign, an entity incapable of delegating its power or being represented by a smaller group. The sovereign embodies the general will, not necessarily aligning with specific private wills. It can exist only if people have a direct, active political voice. Sovereignty is inseparable, always reflecting the entire people's will, not a segment. The general will is expressed through law, and particular will is merely a law application. Rousseau criticizes philosophers for misunderstanding this distinction, enabling them to attribute sovereignty to a single monarch, thus depriving people of their rights. Rousseau admits that people's deliberations don't always represent the general will, which always leans toward common good. He differentiates between the general will and overall will, the latter being the total of individual desires. He insists on the absence of factions within a state, urging each person to think independently. Rousseau suggests the sovereign controls all subjects, yet recognizes space for private interests. Each citizen must contribute necessary goods and services to the state, but the state cannot demand beyond what is necessary. The sovereign is only allowed to address matters affecting the entire body politic, leaving citizens free to pursue private interests and only accountable to the sovereign in public matters. Rousseau endorses capital punishment, arguing that the sovereign has the authority to decide its subjects' fate. He maintains that by breaking state laws, lawbreakers violate the social contract and must be either exiled or executed. Rousseau associates the establishment of laws with the survival of civil society. He acknowledges the challenges in formulating laws, proposing the appointment of a selfless, intelligent lawgiver. The lawgiver, not a citizen of the state he serves, must be unbiased and above the sovereign's authority. Getting people to obey laws is challenging, hence the historical trend of lawgivers citing divine powers as their authority to enforce obedience. A state should receive laws early in its existence, a task complicated by established biases and resistance to good laws. A successful state is moderately sized, with a balanced population to land ratio. Rousseau emphasizes that laws must promote freedom and equality, allowing for state-specific needs and interests. He categorizes laws into four types: Political Laws defining the state's fundamental structure, Civil Laws addressing individual relationships, Criminal Laws for law-breaking instances, and the morals, customs, and beliefs of the people informing the rigid, written laws.
book 3
This section explores the concept of government and executive power, suggesting that it resembles a human entity in that it possesses will, expressed through laws, and strength, which is used to enforce these laws. This strength is distinctive from the sovereignty, as it focuses on individual acts and applications of the law, unlike the wider, general matters that the sovereignty addresses. There isn't a social contract between the populace and the government, as people don't hand over their autonomy or power to the government as they do to the sovereign. The government is merely an intermediary that can be altered or abolished based on the general will of the sovereign. The larger a state's population, the more power the government needs to maintain order. However, with great power comes the risk of misuse by those in office. Therefore, a strong sovereign is essential to keep a strong government in check. Rousseau proposes that the power balance between the government and the people should mirror the balance between the sovereign and the government. He suggests that the government is a unified entity that represents the interests of the sovereign or the general will, but it also has its own ego, assemblies, councils, honours and titles, as well as a leader. The challenge lies in ensuring that the government doesn't act only in its own interest, putting its will above the general will. Rousseau outlines three types of government: democracy, where most citizens are decision-makers; aristocracy, where less than half are decision-makers; and monarchy, where power rests with one or a few individuals. The larger the population, the fewer the decision-makers should be. Rousseau is skeptical of democracy, citing the difficulty of managing the blending of legislative and executive roles without corrupting laws and leading the state to ruin. He identifies three types of aristocracies: natural, elective (which he prefers), and hereditary (which he dislikes). He is also critical of monarchy, pointing out the potential for abuse of power, difficulty in governance, and risk of succession. He believes that most governments are a mix of these three types and suggests that blending forms can help maintain a balance of power. The type of government suitable for a state depends on environmental factors too, such as climate and surplus production. Government and sovereign are often in conflict, which can lead to the government's downfall or even the dissolution of the state. Over time, all states will inevitably be destroyed by this friction. However, the state's longevity relies on its legislative power, so maintaining laws for a long time strengthens it. Rousseau emphasises the importance of regular citizen assemblies to maintain sovereign power. Frequency should be higher when the government is powerful, and everyone should have an equal voice. If citizens are reluctant to participate, the government might undermine sovereign authority. Rousseau harshly criticises representative government, arguing that it is a sign of citizens prioritising comfort over freedom. He also criticises the notion of instituting government through a contract between people and magistrates, arguing that it contradicts the principles of sovereignty. Instead, he suggests the government is instituted by law, with magistrates serving as officers, not rulers. Regular assemblies of all citizens are the best means of preventing the government from usurping sovereign power.
book 4
Rousseau argues that the general will, the unified desire of a population, can't be destroyed, though it may be ignored or overshadowed by individuals' self-interests. A unanimous popular vote signals a healthy state reflecting the general will, but can also indicate a population manipulated by a tyrant. Regardless, the social contract must be unanimously agreed upon, with other decisions being majority rule. People must vote in accordance with the general will, not personal interest. He differentiates between random selection (suiting democracy) and choice (suited to aristocracy) for electing officials. Positions requiring specific skills benefit from choice, while roles needing basic qualities like fairness are best filled randomly. Using the Roman comitia as an example, he illustrates how a large city maintained people's sovereignty. The comitia curiata was city-based and corrupt, the comitia tribunata favored common people, and the comitia centuriata included everyone but favored the wealthy. Despite its size, Rome let all citizens participate in making laws and electing officials. Rousseau proposes a tribunate to balance the sovereign, government, and people, whose sole purpose is to protect the laws. Dictatorship may occasionally be needed to rescue a collapsing state, but must be short-lived to avoid descending into tyranny. The censor's role is to uphold laws and public morality by maintaining public opinion's integrity. Rousseau explores civil religion, stating that early societies worshipped their leaders as gods, a practice that changed with the introduction of Christianity. He identifies three kinds of religion: the "religion of man" (personal worship of God), the "religion of the citizen" (state's official religion combining church and state interests), and a third type associated with the Catholic church which he criticizes for its contradictions. He encourages a mix of the first two types, allowing freedom of worship but requiring a civil religion promoting universal values and forbidding intolerance.
